Re-reading Paul Graham's classic article (How People Get Rich Now) today still feels highly insightful. The article opens with a very intuitive data comparison: in 1982, 60 out of the 100 wealthiest people in the U.S. primarily relied on inheritance; by 2020, this number had dropped to 27. This shift wasn't due to higher inheritance taxes—on the contrary, taxes have actually decreased—but rather because an increasing proportion of wealth now comes from 'creation' rather than 'inheritance'.

A deeper analysis of the differences in the sources of wealth can reveal the essence more clearly. Today's new rich mainly come from entrepreneurship, followed by investment fund management, whereas in the 1980s, newly emerging large fortunes were almost entirely concentrated in oil, real estate, and family businesses. Particularly noteworthy is that an increasing share of top-tier wealth now comes from technology-driven companies— their success is not due to better negotiation skills or more aggressive tactics, but because they genuinely developed better technologies and products.

Graham presents a counterintuitive observation: the true 'abnormality' is not today's wealth concentration or inequality, but the economic model of the mid-20th century. The era nostalgically remembered as 'stable, respectable, and friendly to ordinary people' was, in essence, one where entrepreneurship was systematically suppressed. Large corporations, oligarchic structures, and industry consolidation blocked market entry, making it nearly impossible for individuals to build wealth from scratch. The most respectable path then was not entrepreneurship, but joining large companies and steadily climbing the established career ladder.

After this structure began to loosen in the 1970s, new social dynamics emerged. Technology lowered the barriers to entrepreneurship and accelerated company growth, making starting a business the 'default option' once again. As a result, more people joined a high-risk, high-reward game: most failed, but the few who succeeded achieved returns higher than in any era in history. This inequality is not the result of moral decline, but a byproduct of structural change. As Graham said: 'If you take the mid-20th century as 'normal,' your judgment of many phenomena today will be distorted.'

The article also reminds us that large corporations are not the endgame. J.P. Morgan-style oligarchic economies were merely a historical phenomenon, eventually declining because companies aged, efficiency dropped, and they became bloated. Government deregulation in the 1970s reinvigorated the market and restored competition.

Compared to today, the tech industry remains the most dynamic global engine of innovation, but capital, computing power, and talent are concentrating at top firms at an unprecedented pace. These companies likewise show signs of 'bloat,' though the AI revolution has temporarily provided a new growth narrative and efficiency dividends, delaying structural issues.

Combining Graham's assessment of the cyclical evolution of entrepreneurship, we gain a clear perspective: wealth and power continuously evolve in a cycle of 'concentration—loosening—re-concentration.' Understanding this pattern not only helps predict the fate of large corporations but also enables a clearer view of where entrepreneurial opportunities for individuals and small teams may arise.

Today's billionaires appear younger and more 'self-made,' and society seems more unequal—but this is not a sign of societal decline, but rather a distortion in historical perception. Grasping this point allows us to better understand the relationship between wealth, entrepreneurship, and the era we live in.

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